HISTORY of the CHRISTIAN CHURCH*
CHAPTER X:
MONTANISM.
§ 109. Literature.
Sources:
The prophetic
utterances of Montanus, Prisca (or Priscilla) and Maximilla,
scattered through Tertullian and other writers, collected by F. MĂĽnter. (Effata et Oracula Montanistarum, Hafniae, 1829), and by Bonwetsch, in his Gesch.
des Mont. p.
197-200.
Tertullian’s writings
after a.d. 201, are the chief
source, especially De Corona Militis; De Fuga in Persec.; De Cult. Feminarum; De Virg.
Velandis; De Exhort. Castitatis; De Monogamia; De Paradiso; De Jejuniis; De
Pudicitia; De Spectaculis; De Spe Fidelium. His seven books On Ecstasy, mentioned by
Jerome, are lost. In his later anti-heretical writings (Adv. Marcionem; Adv.
Valentin.; Adv. Praxean; De Anima; De Resurr. Carnis), Tertullian
occasionally refers to the new dispensation of the Spirit. On the chronology of
his writings see Uhlhorn: Fundamenta chronologiae
Tertullianeae, (Gött.
1852), Bonwetsch: Die Schriften Tertullians nach der Zeit ihrer
Abfassung (Bonn,
1878), and Harnack, in Brieger’s "Zeitschrift für K. gesch." No. 11.
Irenaeus:
Adv. Haer. III.
11, 9; IV. 33, 6 and 7. (The references to Montanism are somewhat doubtful). Eusebius: H. E. V. 3. Epipan.: Haer. 48 and 49.
The anti-Montanist
writings of Apolinarius (Apollinaris) of Hierapolis, Melito of Sardes,
Miltiades (peri; tou' mh; dei'n profhvthn ejn
ejkstavsei lalei'n), Apollonius, Serapion, Gaius, and an anonymous author quoted by
Eusebius are lost. Comp. on the sources Soyres, l.c. p. 3-24, and
Bonwetsch, l c. p. 16-55.
Works:
Theoph. Wernsdorf: Commentatio
de Montanistis Saeculi II. vulgo creditis haereticis. Dantzig, 1781. A vindication of
Montanism as being essentially agreed with the doctrines of the primitive
church and unjustly condemned. Mosheim differs, but speaks favorably of it. So
also Soyres. Arnold had espoused the cause of M. before, in his Kirchen-und
Ketzerhistorie.
Mosheim: De
Rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 410-425 (Murdock’s transl I. 501-512).
Walch: Ketzerhistorie,
I. 611-666.
Kirchner: De Montanistis. Jenae, 1832.
Neander: Antignosticus
oder Geist aus Tertullian’s Schriften. Berlin, 1825 (2d ed. 1847), and the second ed.
of his Kirchengesch. 1843, Bd. II. 877-908 (Torrey’s transl. Boston ed.
vol. I. 506-526). Neander was the first to give a calm and impartial
philosophical view of Montanism as the realistic antipode of idealistic
Gnosticism.
A. Schwegler: Der
Montanismus und die christl. Kirche des 2ten
Jahrh. TĂĽb.
1841. Comp. his Nach-Apost. Zeitalter (TĂĽb. 1846). A very ingenious
philosophical a-priori
construction of
history in the spirit of the TĂĽbingen School. Schwegler denies the historical
existence of Montanus, wrongly derives the system from Ebionism, and puts its
essence in the doctrine of the Paraclete and the new supernatural epoch of
revelation introduced by him. Against him wrote GEORGII in the "Deutsche
JahrbĂĽcher fĂĽr Wissenschaft und Kunst," 1842.
Hilgenfeld: Die
Glossolalie in der alten Kirche. Leipz. 1850.
Baur: Das
Wesen des Montanismus nach den neusten Forschungen, in the "Theol. JahrbĂĽcher."
TĂĽb. 1851, p. 538 sqq.; and his Gesch. der Christl. Kirche, I. 235-245, 288-295 (3d ed. of
1863). Baur, like Schwegler, lays the chief stress on the doctrinal element,
but refutes his view on the Ebionitic origin of Mont., and reviews it in its conflict
with Gnosticism and episcopacy.
Niedner: K.
Gesch. 253 sqq., 259 sqq.
Albrecht Ritschl: Entstehung der altkathol. Kirche, second ed. 1857, p. 402-550.
R. justly emphasizes the practical and ethical features of the sect.
P. Gottwald: De Montanismo Tertulliani.
Vratisl. 1862.
A. Reville: Tertullien
et le Montanisme,
in the "Revue des deux mondes," Nov. 1864. Also his essay in the
"Nouvelle Revue de Theologic" for 1858.
R. A. Lipsius: Zur
Quellenkritik des Epiphanios. Wien, 1865; and Die Quellen
der ältesten Ketzergeschichte. Leipz. 1875.
Emile Ströhlin:
Essai sur le Montanisme. Strasbourg, 1870.
John De Soyres:
Montanism and the Primitive Church (Hulsean prize essay). Cambridge,
1878 (163 pa-es). With a useful chronological table.
G. Nathanael Bonwetsch (of Dorpat): Die
Geschichte des Montanismus. Erlangen, 1881 (201 pages). The best book on the subject.
Renan: Marc-Aurèle
(1882), ch. XIII. p. 207-225. Also his essay Le Montanisme, in the
"Revue des deux mondes," Feb. 1881.
W. Belck: Geschichte
des Montanismus.
Leipzig, 1883.
Hilgenfeld: D.
Ketzergesch. des Urchristenthums. Leipzig, 1884. (pp. 560-600.)
The subject is well
treated by Dr. Möller in Herzog (revis. ed. Bd. X. 255-262); Bp. Hefele in Wetzer & Welter, Bd. VII.
252-268, and in his Conciliengesch. revised ed. Bd. I. 83 sqq.; and by Dr. Salmond in Smith & Wace, III.
935-945.
Comp. also the Lit. on
Tertullian, § 196 (p. 818).
§ 110. External History of Montanism.
All the ascetic, rigoristic, and
chiliastic elements of the ancient church combined in Montanism. They there
asserted a claim to universal validity, which the catholic church was
compelled, for her own interest, to reject; since she left the effort after
extraordinary holiness to the comparatively small circle of ascetics and
priests, and sought rather to lighten Christianity than add to its weight, for
the great mass of its professors. Here is the place, therefore, to speak of
this remarkable phenomenon, and not under the head of doctrine, or heresy,
where it is commonly placed. For Montanism was not, originally, a departure
from the faith, but a morbid overstraining of the practical morality and
discipline of the early church. It was an excessive supernaturalism and
puritanism against Gnostic rationalism and Catholic laxity. It is the first
example of an earnest and well-meaning, but gloomy and fanatical
hyper-Christianity, which, like all hyper-spiritualism, is apt to end in the
flesh.
Montanism originated in Asia
Minor, the theatre of many movements of the church in this period; yet not in
Ephesus or any large city, but in some insignificant villages of the province
of Phrygia, once the home of a sensuously mystic and dreamy nature-religion,
where Paul and his pupils had planted congregations at Colossae, Laodicea, and
Hierapolis.759 The movement was started about the middle of the
second century during the reign of Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius, by a
certain Montanus.760 He was,
according to hostile accounts, before his conversion, a mutilated priest of
Cybele, with no special talents nor culture, but burning with fanatical zeal.
He fell into somnambulistic ecstasies, and considered himself the inspired
organ of the promised Paraclete or Advocate, the Helper and Comforter in these
last times of distress. His adversaries wrongly inferred from the use of the
first person for the Holy Spirit in his oracles, that he made himself directly
the Paraclete, or, according to Epiphanius, even God the Father. Connected with
him were two prophetesses, Priscilla and Maximilla, who left their husbands.
During the bloody persecutions under the Antonines, which raged in Asia Minor,
and caused the death of Polycarp (155), all three went forth as prophets and
reformers of the Christian life, and proclaimed the near approach of the age of
the Holy Spirit and of the millennial reign in Pepuza, a small village of
Phrygia, upon which the new Jerusalem was to come down. Scenes took place
similar to those under the preaching of the first Quakers, and the glossolalia
and prophesying in the Irvingite congregations. The frantic movement soon far
exceeded the intention of its authors, spread to Rome and North Africa, and
threw the whole church into commotion. It gave rise to the first Synods which
are mentioned after the apostolic age.
The followers of Montanus were
called Montanists, also Phrygians, Cataphrygians (from the province of their
origin), Pepuziani, Priscillianists (from Priscilla, not to be confounded with
the Priscillianists of the fourth century). They called themselves
spiritual Christians (peumatikoiv), in distinction from the
psychic or carnal Christians (yucikoiv).
The bishops and synods of Asia
Minor, though not with one voice, declared the new prophecy the work of demons,
applied exorcism, and cut off the Montanists from the fellowship of the church.
All agreed that it was supernatural (a natural interpretation of such
psychological phenomena being then unknown), and the only alternative was to
ascribe it either to God or to his great Adversary. Prejudice and malice
invented against Montanus and the two female prophets slanderous charges of
immorality, madness and suicide, which were readily believed. Epiphanius and
John of Damascus tell the absurd story, that the sacrifice of an infant was a
part of the mystic worship of the Montanists, and that they made bread with the
blood of murdered infants.761
Among their literary opponents
in the East are mentioned Claudius Apolinarius of Hierapolis, Miltiades, Appollonius,
Serapion of Antioch, and Clement of Alexandria.
The Roman church, during the
episcopate of Eleutherus (177-190), or of Victor (190-202), after some
vacillation, set itself likewise against the new prophets at the instigation of
the presbyter Caius and the confessor Praxeas from Asia, who, as Tertullian
sarcastically says, did a two-fold service to the devil at Rome by driving away
prophecy and bringing in heresy (patripassianism), or by putting to flight the
Holy Spirit and crucifying God the Father. Yet the opposition of Hippolytus to
Zephyrinus and Callistus, as well as the later Novatian schism, show that the
disciplinary rigorism of Montanism found energetic advocates in Rome till after
the middle of the third century.
The Gallic Christians, then
severely tried by persecution, took a conciliatory posture, and sympathized at
least with the moral earnestness, the enthusiasm for martyrdom, and the
chiliastic hopes of the Montanists. They sent their presbyter (afterwards
bishop) Irenaeus to Eleutherus in Rome to intercede in their behalf. This
mission seems to have induced him or his successor to issue letters of peace,
but they were soon afterwards recalled. This sealed the fate of the party.762
In North Africa the Montanists
met with extensive sympathy, as the Punic national character leaned naturally
towards gloomy and rigorous acerbity.763 Two of
the most distinguished female martyrs, Perpetua and Felicitas, were addicted to
them, and died a heroic death at Carthage in the persecution of Septimius
Severus (203).
Their greatest conquest was the
gifted and fiery, but eccentric and rigoristic Tertullian. He became in the
year 201 or 202, from ascetic sympathies, a most energetic and influential
advocate of Montanism, and helped its dark feeling towards a twilight of
philosophy, without, however, formally seceding from the Catholic Church, whose
doctrines he continued to defend against the heretics. At all events, he was
not excommunicated, and his orthodox writings were always highly esteemed. He
is the only theologian of this schismatic movement, which started in purely
practical questions, and we derive the best of our knowledge of it from his
works. Through him, too, its principles reacted in many respects on the
Catholic Church; and that not only in North Africa, but also in Spain, as we
may see from the harsh decrees of the Council of Elvira in 306. It is singular
that Cyprian, who, with all his high-church tendencies and abhorrence of
schism, was a daily reader of Tertullian, makes no allusion to Montanism.
Augustin relates that Tertullian left the Montanists, and founded a new sect,
which was called after him, but was, through his (Augustin’s) agency,
reconciled to the Catholic congregation of Carthage.764
As a separate sect, the
Montanists or Tertullianists, as they were also called in Africa, run down into
the sixth century. At the time of Epiphanius the sect had many adherents in
Phrygia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and in Constantinople. The successors of
Constantine, down to Justinian (530), repeatedly enacted laws against them.
Synodical legislation about the validity of Montanist baptism is inconsistent.765
§ 111. Character and Tenets of Montanism.
I. In doctrine, Montanism agreed in all essential points with the
Catholic Church, and held very firmly to the traditional rule of faith.766 Tertullian was thoroughly orthodox according to the standard of
his age. He opposed infant baptism on the assumption that mortal sins could not
be forgiven after baptism; but infant baptism was not yet a catholic dogma, and
was left to the discretion of parents. He contributed to the development of the
orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, by asserting against Patripassianism a
personal distinction in God, and the import of the Holy Spirit. Montanism was
rooted neither, like Ebionism, in Judaism, nor, like Gnosticism, in heathenism,
but in Christianity; and its errors consist in a morbid exaggeration of
Christian ideas and demands. Tertullian says, that the administration of the
Paraclete consists only in the reform of discipline, in deeper understanding of
the Scriptures, and in effort after higher perfection; that it has the same faith,
the same God, the same Christ, and the same sacraments with the Catholics. The
sect combated the Gnostic heresy with all decision, and forms the exact
counterpart of that system, placing Christianity chiefly in practical life
instead of theoretical speculation, and looking for the consummation of the
kingdom of God on this earth, though not till the millennium, instead of
transferring it into an abstract ideal world. Yet between these two systems, as
always between opposite extremes, there were also points of contact; a common
antagonism, for example, to the present order of the world, and the distinction
of a pneumatic and a psychical church.
Tertullian conceived religion as
a process of development, which he illustrates by the analogy of organic growth
in nature. He distinguishes in this process four stages:_(1.) Natural religion,
or the innate idea of God; (2.) The legal religion of the Old Testament; (3.)
The gospel during the earthly life of Christ; and (4.) the revelation of the
Paraclete; that is, the spiritual religion of the Montanists, who accordingly
called themselves the pneumatics,
or the spiritual church, in distinction from the psychical (or carnal) Catholic
church. This is the first instance of a theory of development which assumes an
advance beyond the New Testament and the Christianity of the apostles;
misapplying the parables of the mustard seed and the leaven, and Paul’s
doctrine of the growth of the church in Christ (but not beyond Christ).
Tertullian, however, was by no means rationalistic in his view. On the
contrary, he demanded for all new revelations the closest agreement with the
traditional faith of the church, the regula fidei, which, in a genuine Montanistic work, he terms "immobilis et irreformabilis." Nevertheless he gave the
revelations of the Phrygian prophets on matters of practice an importance which
interfered with the sufficiency of the Scriptures.
II. In the field of practical life and discipline, the Montanistic movement
and its expectation of the near approach of the end of the world came into
conflict with the reigning Catholicism; and this conflict, consistently carried
out, must of course show itself to some extent in the province of doctrine.
Every schismatic tendency is apt to become in its progress more or less heretical.
1. Montanism, in the first
place, sought a forced continuance of the miraculous
gifts of the apostolic church, which gradually disappeared as
Christianity became settled in humanity, and its supernatural principle was
naturalized on earth.767 It
asserted, above all, the continuance of prophecy, and hence it went
generally under the name of the nova prophetia. It appealed to Scriptural examples, John, Agabus, Judas,
and Silas, and for their female prophets, to Miriam and Deborah, and especially
to the four daughters of Philip, who were buried in Hierapolis, the capital of
Phrygia. Ecstatic oracular utterances were mistaken for divine inspirations.
Tertullian calls the mental status of those prophets an "amentia," an "excidere sensu," and describes it in a way
which irresistibly reminds one of the phenomena of magnetic clairvoyance.
Montanus compares a man in the ecstasy with a musical instrument, on which the
Holy Spirit plays his melodies. "Behold," says he in one of his
oracles, in the name of the Paraclete, "the man is as a lyre, and I sweep
over him as a plectrum. The man sleeps; I wake. Behold, it is the Lord who puts
the hearts of men out of themselves, and who gives hearts to men."768 As to its matter, the Montanistic prophecy related to the
approaching heavy judgments of God, the persecutions, the millennium, fasting,
and other ascetic exercises, which were to be enforced as laws of the church.
The Catholic church did not
deny, in theory, the continuance of prophecy and the other miraculous gifts,
but was disposed to derive the Montanistic revelations from satanic
inspirations,769 and mistrusted them all the more for their
proceeding not from the regular clergy, but in great part from unauthorized
laymen and fanatical women.
2. This brings us to another
feature of the Montanistic movement, the assertion of the universal priesthood of Christians,
even of females, against the special priesthood in the Catholic church. Under
this view it may be called a democratic reaction against the clerical
aristocracy, which from the time of Ignatius had more and more monopolized all
ministerial privileges and functions. The Montanists found the true
qualification and appointment for the office of teacher in direct endowment by
the Spirit of God, in distinction from outward ordination and episcopal
succession. They everywhere proposed the supernatural element and the free
motion of the Spirit against the mechanism of a fixed ecclesiastical order.
Here was the point where they
necessarily assumed a schismatic character, and arrayed against themselves the
episcopal hierarchy. But they only brought another kind of aristocracy into the
place of the condemned distinction of clergy and laity. They claimed for their
prophets what they denied to the Catholic bishops. They put a great gulf
between the true spiritual Christians and the merely psychical; and this
induced spiritual pride and false pietism. Their affinity with the Protestant
idea of the universal priesthood is more apparent than real; they go on
altogether different principles.
3. Another of the essential and
prominent traits of Montanism was a visionary millennarianism,
founded indeed on the Apocalypse and on the apostolic expectation of the speedy
return of Christ, but giving it extravagant weight and a materialistic
coloring. The Montanists were the warmest millennarians in the ancient church,
and held fast to the speedy return of Christ in glory, all the more as this
hope began to give way to the feeling of a long settlement of the church on
earth, and to a corresponding zeal for a compact, solid episcopal organization.
In praying, "Thy kingdom come," they prayed for the end of the world.
They lived under a vivid impression of the great final catastrophe, and looked
therefore with contempt upon the present order of things, and directed all
their desires to the second advent of Christ. Maximilla says: "After me
there is no more prophecy, but only the end of the world."770
The failure of these predictions
weakened, of course, all the other pretensions of the system. But, on the other
hand, the abatement of faith in the near approach of the Lord was certainly
accompanied with an increase of worldliness in the Catholic church. The
millennarianism of the Montanists has reappeared again and again in widely
differing forms.
4. Finally, the Montanistic sect
was characterized by fanatical severity in asceticism
and church discipline. It
raised a zealous protest against the growing looseness of the Catholic
penitential discipline, which in Rome particularly, under Zephyrinus and
Callistus, to the great grief of earnest minds, established a scheme of
indulgence for the grossest sins, and began, long before Constantine, to
obscure the line between the church and the world. Tertullian makes the
restoration of a rigorous discipline the chief office of the new prophecy.771
But Montanism certainly went to
the opposite extreme, and fell from evangelical freedom into Jewish legalism;
while the Catholic church in rejecting the new laws and burdens defended the
cause of freedom. Montanism turned with horror from all the enjoyments of life,
and held even art to be incompatible with Christian soberness and humility. It
forbade women all ornamental clothing, and required virgins to be veiled. It
courted the blood-baptism of martyrdom, and condemned concealment or flight in
persecution as a denial of Christ. It multiplied fasts and other ascetic
exercises, and carried them to extreme severity, as the best preparation for
the millennium. It prohibited second marriage as adultery, for laity as well as
clergy, and inclined even to regard a single marriage as a mere concession on
the part of God to the sensuous infirmity of man. It taught the impossibility
of a second repentance, and refused to restore the lapsed to the fellowship of
the church. Tertullian held all mortal sins (of which he numbers seven),
committed after baptism, to be unpardonable,772 at least in this world, and a
church, which showed such lenity towards gross offenders, as the Roman church
at that time did, according to the corroborating testimony of Hippolytus, he
called worse than a den of thieves," even a "spelunca maechorum et fornicatorum."773
The Catholic church, indeed, as
we have already seen, opened the door likewise to excessive ascetic rigor, but
only as an exception to her rule; while the Montanists pressed their rigoristic
demands as binding upon all. Such universal asceticism was simply impracticable
in a world like the present, and the sect itself necessarily dwindled away. But
the religious earnestness which animated it, its prophecies and visions, its
millennarianism, and the fanatical extremes into which it ran, have since
reappeared, under various names and forms, and in new combinations, in
Novatianism, Donatism, the spiritualism of the Franciscans, Anabaptism, the
Camisard enthusiasm, Puritanism,
Quakerism, Quietism, Pietism, Second Adventism, Irvingism, and so on, by
way of protest and wholesome reaction against various evils in the church.774
